By Javier Surasky-
Argentina’s
foreign policy has often faced criticism for lacking a clear direction, but
that changed under Javier Milei’s presidency: the country is now decisively
moving backward. Its future seems rooted in the past.
In
Argentina’s case, the current administration has expressed its governing
principles through Milei, significantly impacting its international relations.
A brief review of these elements helps us grasp the initial contours of
Argentina’s global engagement:
1. Frontal Combat Against “Socialism”: This stands out as the most
prominent element, earning Milei allies such as Donald Trump, Jair Bolsonaro,
and Nayib Bukele. Notably, during the recent international meeting “Viva 24,”
organized by Spain’s Vox party, the Argentine president took the stage just
before the closing, even in the presence of figures like Marine Le Pen, Giorgia
Meloni, and Viktor Orban.
Milei delivered an unwavering message: “Socialism leads to poverty and death; anyone
who says otherwise is either ignorant or a liar. We cannot yield an inch to the
leftists, even when it seems they are right because they never are.”
2. Appropriation of the “Defense of the True Western
Values”: Milei’s
messianic vision, coupled with his self-proclaimed reinvention of capitalism
(“I have been preaching my invention of the capitalist system”), has led him to
critique European leaders for their social policies. His attack against “Neo-Marxists”
co-opting Western common sense was part of his speech at the Davos Forum shortly after taking office.
Furthermore, he views pursuing social justice—a Western value—as a significant
economic-axiological capitulation.
3. The “China Threat,” with Caveats: Milei’s discourse on China has
been inconsistent, reflecting the contradictions arising from the previous
points. While he maintains that private entities should decide their commercial
ties with China, he officially refuses to negotiate “with communists.” His list of communists explicitly
includes China, Russia, and Lula’s Brazil.
4. Latin America and the Caribbean: A Continent
Infested by Socialism: Milei’s extreme aversion to leftist ideologies extends to certain
Latin American and Caribbean presidents. He labeled Chávez as the head of the
“Venezuelan dictatorship” and Gustavo Petro as a “terrorist murderer.”
Nicaragua and Cuba’s presidents are deemed “despicable.” Even López Obrador is
not spared, being called “ignorant.”
Lula is a prime target for Milei, whom he
brands as “corrupt” and an “inflated ego
leftist.” During
Brazil’s electoral campaign, Milei urged Brazilians not to let “prisoner Lula” (instead of President Lula) advance.
In July 2023, as a presidential pre-candidate, he expressed hope that Chileans
would rid themselves of “impoverisher Boric.”
Mercosur also faces Milei’s fury. He advocates
for its elimination, asserting that it benefits entrepreneurs who avoid
competition and runs counter to Argentine interests. Foreign Minister Diana Mondino later nuanced this
stance, emphasizing
the need to “modernize” Mercosur by reducing barriers.
5. Contempt for Human Rights, Denial of Climate
Change, and Open Attack Against the 2030 Agenda: A blend of Javier Milei’s rejection of any form
of common regulation interfering with the market and his definition of social justice as “a truly abhorrent idea” has led him to advocate for
reopening the past—a time without human rights. He denies scientifically backed
positions and attempts to pass off non-scientific stances as scientific truths.
In 2019, Milei claimed that
education was not a right, arguing that “education is not free.” He consistently expresses this
view when attacking the “socialist maxim” that asserts that a right is born
where there is a need. According to Milei, needs are infinite, and rights have
costs that must be covered with finite resources. This assertion aligns with
the field of human rights, which incorporates the principle of
“non-regressivity” in economic, social, and cultural rights.
From a governance point of view, the reassignment of functions from the former Ministry of Justice and Human Rights to the current Ministry of Justice and the closure of the Ministry of Women, Gender, and Diversity were crucial moments.
The impact of Milei’s initial measures on people’s fundamental rights prompted the American Association of Jurists to submit a written contribution to the United Nations highlighting the issue.
Milei’s ignorance of elementary issues was evident during his Davos Forum speech. He claimed that the failure of collectivist models led socialists to “change their agenda.” They abandoned class struggle based on the economic system and replaced it with other supposed social conflicts equally harmful to community life and economic growth. One such conflict was the “ridiculous and unnatural fight between men and women.” With this statement, Milei attempted to discredit efforts to advance gender equity—an attitude he had already displayed in his electoral campaign by denying any difference between the positions of men and women in private enterprise.
In 2024, his government took a regressive step
by banning the use of inclusive
language and
“everything related to gender perspective” in the Argentine public
administration.
Another aspect of the socialist agenda
denounced by Milei at Davos is the perceived conflict between man and nature.
He argues that socialists claim humans damage the planet and advocate for
population control mechanisms or the controversial agenda of abortion. In a
2019 interview as a pre-candidate for national deputy in Buenos Aires, Milei
even dismissed global warming as “another
of socialism’s lies.”
He suggested that climate simulations deliberately exaggerate specific
parameters to create fear.
Given these
precedents, it is unsurprising that Milei vehemently opposes the 2030 Agenda
for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals. During his
campaign, he asserted, “We will not adhere to the 2030
Agenda. We do not
adhere to cultural Marxism; we do not adhere to decadence.” Later, while in
office, he explained on his X account that he traveled to the Davos Forum to
“plant the ideas of freedom in a forum contaminated with the socialist agenda 2030 that will
only bring misery
to the world.”
The
rejection of the 2030 Agenda reached its zenith during the Forum of the
Countries of Latin America and the Caribbean on Sustainable Development in
March 2024. Presiding over the Economic Commission for Latin America and the
Caribbean (ECLAC), Argentina was slated to chair the meeting. However, just 24
hours before its opening, Argentina sent a letter announcing its
non-participation. After three days of debates, Jorge Faurie, Argentina’s
ambassador to Chile, attended the closing session. He stated that Argentina
accepted the political declaration adopted there to avoid obstructing consensus
but reserved the right to review its content—a diplomatic gesture, albeit
regrettable.
Given this
context, recent events during the 54th session of the General Assembly of the
Organization of American States (OAS) were unsurprising. US Ambassador Frank Mora summarized
the situation: “A
large majority of the resolutions arrived here in Paraguay finalized and
negotiated. And at the last minute, before traveling, Argentina presents all
these changes regarding gender and human rights.” He urged the country not to
turn the adoption of documents “into a show.” Unfortunately, the spectacle was
already underway. As a result, Argentina’s position stood isolated, and the
country lost traditional support in the region. These consequences may
reverberate during debates at the United Nations General Assembly, particularly
on issues close to Argentina’s heart, such as its claim over the Malvinas.
The driving
force behind Argentina’s OAS performance was Úrsula Basset, a well-known
ultra-conservative lawyer. Basset has previously expressed support for fetal
adoption, opposed safe and free abortion, equal marriage, divorce, and the use
of inclusive language. Her role within the Argentine Foreign Ministry remains
unclear. Still, she has been instructing Argentine diplomats abroad with
backing from Karina Milei (the president’s sister and chief of staff) and
Minister of Economy Luis Caputo.
Sonia
Cavallo, daughter of former minister Domingo Cavallo, played a vital role in
the OAS staging. Appointed as Argentina’s ambassador
to the OAS on May
22, she acted as Basset’s pawn. Despite lacking an official position in the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Basset reportedly controlled all
proceedings in
Paraguay, prompting legislators to request an interpellation of Foreign Minister
Diana Mondino to clarify the situation.
The outcome
of Argentina’s performance was disappointing: the Asunción Declaration, titled
“Integration and Security for the Sustainable Development of the Region,” was
approved without changes. It recognizes the value of the 2030 Agenda and commits
to defending human rights, eliminating discrimination, and addressing climate
change. Paragraph 9 underscores the commitment to “respect, protect, and
promote human rights” while combating discrimination and violence against
women, girls, and vulnerable groups—a commitment that some view with
trepidation as “social justice.”
The impact
of Argentina’s stance became evident not only in diplomatic discomfort but also
in concrete outcomes:
- The resolution supporting Argentina’s
claim on Malvinas
nearly faced a vote instead of being adopted by consensus. Ultimately,
representatives from Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Chile spoke in favor of the
resolution despite Milei’s verbose criticisms of their leaders.
- In the elections between four candidates for three seats on the Inter-American Juridical Committee, Argentina’s candidate, María Isabel Jimena de la Torre, was not elected. She received 14 votes, while the candidates from Chile (29 votes), Guatemala (28 votes), and the United States (23 votes) secured their positions.
A country’s foreign policy is an extension of its domestic policy on the international stage. These realms are not distinct; instead, they intertwine. Our recent journey reflects Argentina’s outward face, bringing to my mind a quote from the eminent figure in international relations, Hans Morgenthau:
“It is a dangerous thing to be a Machiavelli. It is a disastrous thing
to be a Machiavelli without virtue.”
