UNCTAD at 60: A Rollercoaster Journey

 By Javier Surasky-

 
Suppose you have an interest in international affairs. In that case, the mention of the 1960s may trigger a cascade of consequential events in your memory: humanity’s moon landing, the Cuban Missile Crisis, the construction of the Berlin Wall, the decolonization of Africa, the assassination of JFK, Vietnam, the French May, Martin Luther King with his “I have a dream” speech, and even the establishment of ARPANET, the precursor to today’s Internet.

It was a decade where the tensions of the Cold War intermingled with aspirations for a different world, one that seemed to be just around the corner, awaiting its chance to emerge. These were times when the specter of nuclear terror did not prevent the free flight of dreams toward what we would now call “a fairer world.”

In this context, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) convened on July 15, 1964. Initially called as a one-time international conference, this gathering evolved to establish a new United Nations body through resolution 1995 (XIX) of the UN General Assembly on December 30, 1964.

Spawned from the political impetus given by the newly formed Group of 77, the principal architect behind this conference was Raúl Prebisch. Formerly the Executive Secretary of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLAC), he became the principal architect of the UNCTAD's final act negotiations, serving as its first Director. Under his leadership, UNCTAD began working to achieve its goals, which included:
  • Promoting international trade that would boost economic development.
  • Formulating principles and policies on international trade and its implications for economic development.
  • Reviewing and facilitating the coordination of the activities of other institutions within the United Nations system in international trade and economic development.
UNCTAD’s creation marked a milestone in developing countries' long history of demands to improve their international economic integration. This history also includes the establishment of the International Development Association (IDA) within the World Bank Group in 1960. 

Both institutions were created despite strong opposition from developed countries, and were part of the fight for the establishment of a New International Economic Order, which led to the adoption, in 1974, of resolutions 3201 (S-VI), “Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order," and 3202 (S-VI), Program of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order.

Finding an identity

Since its inception, the UNCTAD's roller-coaster journey fortune has been tied to the ability of developing countries to maintain their claims and power on the international stage. Therefore, it is unsurprising that with the onset of the 1980s, known as the "lost decade for development," UNCTAD's capacity and appeal diminished. Initially, UNCTAD firmly positioned itself as a forum on trade as a tool for economic development, aligned with the theory of import substitution industrialization, and as early as 1971, established the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP).

Changes in international economic and trade conditions, marked by rising interest rates and collapsing commodity prices, led to 1982 Mexico's default, initiating a shift that brought UNCTAD closer to market-based development theories. It became an unlikely ally to advocates of trade liberalization, deregulation, and the privatization of state-managed companies. In the words of Marc Mazower, UNCTAD "turned into a harmless accessory to the extraordinary transformation of capitalism that now took place under President Reagan and his successors." [1]

Unsurprisingly, within this new framework, UNCTAD increased its focus on the global management of the economy, including issues of international monetary management and external financing for national development.

The scenario shifted dramatically again from 1990: not only was the Cold War ending, but with it, the notion of a globally integrated economy reached its zenith. UNCTAD then turned its attention to analyzing factors that impact the promotion of multinational companies' access to developing countries.

The 1992 UNCTAD meeting in Cartagena demonstrated the drastic setback in the capacities of Southern countries to set the agenda post-Cold War. It was not only asserted that private enterprise and market freedom were the drivers of international trade and development, but issues such as combating corruption and public management inefficiency became central in the Conference’s political agenda, whose mandate was modified to now focus on “analysis; intergovernmental deliberation, consensus-building, and negotiation; monitoring, implementation, and follow-up; and technical cooperation" (A New Partnership for Development: The Cartagena Commitment, paragraph 49).

The change was so profound that the final report of the Commission on Global Governance, created by the UN in 1992, called for the “dismantling” of UNCTAD (p.113). On top of that, the 1992 UN Conference on Environment and Development’s impacts on development thinking and the 1995 creation of the World Trade Organization made it more challenging for UNCTAD to carve out its niche in world politics.

The organization's uncertainty and quest for repositioning from the early 2000s are well epitomized by the events leading up to the election of Supachai Panitchpakdi as its Secretary-General. Panitchpakdi had been endorsed by the G-77 for the WTO directorship in 1999 and served from 2002 to 2005. When a new UNCTAD Secretary-General was to be chosen in 2005, candidates proposed by then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan declined the offer, and Panitchpakdi was approached. The G-77 reacted coolly to having a former WTO Director-General helm UNCTAD, which did not prevent Panitchpakdi from holding the position from 2005 to 2013.

To ease tensions, Panitchpakdi formed an Advisory Group consisting of Eminent Personalities, including Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Gro Harlem Brundtland, to counsel on the role UNCTAD should play. Yet, this group struggled to find a distinct place for UNCTAD in the international arena.

The global economic crisis of 2007-2008 finally gave UNCTAD a fresh “raison d'être.” Its efforts shifted toward highlighting the flaws of industrialized economies and their impacts on trade and the international financial system, calling into question the deregulation and diminishing economic agency of the state. In finding its footing, UNCTAD was returning to its roots.

Today's UNCTAD

Now more committed to developmental issues than in the past and deeply engaged in advocating for the principles of developing countries within the framework of the Sustainable Development Goals adopted by the United Nations in 2015, UNCTAD continues its pursuit to reclaim a position of greater significance.

The conditions that necessitated its creation are long past. Yet, the underlying needs that led to its establishment remain and have arguably intensified: developmental disparities, rising poverty and hunger, economic consequences of climate change, growing inequities, and the potential of trade as a catalyst for development.

To these enduring issues are now added new ones: the needs of future generations, the impacts of digital technologies on trade and development, digital commerce – the list is endless and expands with time.

The role of UNCTAD will continue to be linked to the capabilities and power of those aiming to eradicate poverty, prioritize environmental stewardship over profit, bridge divides, and discover effective tools for promoting sustainable development.

Sixty years after its founding, UNCTAD’s destiny might be that of any wooden raft in turbulent waters: it can be helpful for anybody in the water, yet incapable of influencing wave’s fury, which will only cease when the conditions that created them cease to exist.





[1] Mazower, Mark (2012), Governing the World: The History of an Idea. London: Penguin Press, 317.